by Hassan Choudhury
By all accounts it has been a tough year for the Muslim community
but spare a thought for Muslim students who make up an estimated
ninety thousand out of just over five million students in the UK.
They will not only pave the way for the next generation of students
they will also form the next generation of doctors, engineers, teachers,
fathers, mothers and future leaders in our community. They represent
our future and for this and many other reasons they inevitably shoulder
the hopes of the Ummah.
However in the aftermath of the 2005 London bombings
they bore the brunt of increasing pressure. Government ministers,
academics, think tanks and the national press have all contributed
to ensure that this unique segment of the Islamic community has
been pushed back on the defensive. With the end of March marking
the annual National Union of Students (NUS) Conference and with
it the end of student electioneering for the year, it seems there
is no better time to assess and evaluate the progress and prospects
for Muslim students in the UK and if, indeed, there is any room
for optimism.
It would be understandable if Muslims returning
to university last year were apprehensive after 7/7. Sensational
media coverage was endemic and rumours had spread before term of
MI5 and Special Branch preparing to monitor Student Islamic Societies
(or Isocs). So when Education Minister Ruth Kelly called for University
Vice-Chancellors to curb extremism and 'unacceptable behaviour'
on campus last September some students interpreted it as short-hand
for spying.
Professor Anthony Glees, Director of the Brunel
Centre for Intelligence and Security Studies at Brunel University
is held largely responsible for stoking the fire with a report,
co-written with Chris Pope, entitled 'When Students Turn to Terror:
Terrorist and Extremist Activity on British Campuses' (or just 'the
Glees report'). Published by The Social Affairs Unit the day after
Kelly's speech, it claimed extremism was rife in thirty-one universities
in the UK of which twenty-four were 'Islamist', the rest BNP or
Animal Liberation. The report suggested combating this menace via
the stationing of police on campuses and argued for replacing UCAS
clearing, a process that matches students to university campus courses,
with individual screening interviews. It suggested direct links
between university registrars and immigration officers at ports
of entry. The report also called for the closure of faith-based
societies and even recommended authorities "(e)nsure that the
ethnic composition of any single university reflect broadly the
ethnic mix of the UK as a whole"; currently near eight percent.
Many though have noticed the report fails to answer what would happen
to students in those universities with ethnic populations upwards
of that figure. Some routinely host a fifty percent ethnic population,
other higher. Will we witness thousands of 'ethnic' students losing
their degrees if unwilling to leave?
There is some relief to be found in the fact that
the 'Glees report' is replete with errors and based purely on anecdotal
evidence. Glees and Pope both shoot themselves in their proverbial
feet when they admit thirty pages into their own report that:
"At present however no one in the security
community knew (sic) whether particular universities are hotbeds
of extremism or have any reliable means of finding out"
And on page 107:
"Of course, we cannot know because we are not
able to find out precisely what goes on in student clubs and societies,
whether official or unofficial".
Despite these glaring flaws the findings were reported
on The Guardian front page and praised by the Higher Education Minister,
Bill Rammell MP. The report was rubbished soon after but the damage
was already done.
It was only in February we gained confirmation that
Muslim students were being spied upon with the revelation that The
Daily Mail had been offering bribes to students willing to earn
a little extra cash but it was clear it had all started much earlier.
Once news spread that MI5 had approached Manchester University Isoc
for a list of their members last September (they refused) there
was a palpable sense of anxiety at Freshers' Fayres, where societies
sign up new members. I attended the LSE Freshers' Fayre only to
watch firsthand as an undercover BBC reporter was ejected for filming
Muslims without their knowledge, let alone consent, on his hidden
camcorder all the while asking questions about how to "join
the jihad". Soon Muslim students were refusing to sign up to
the Isocs across the UK as some students spoke of fearing for their
careers and future prospects.
Isocs are of course custodians of the prayer room
(known as the 'PR'), the jumm'ah (Friday congregational prayer)
and are vehicles for Muslim student representation at a local level.
They have a pastoral role ensuring Muslims have a community to welcome,
befriend and support them. The role of Isocs in spreading a good
image of Islam and looking after Muslim interests cannot be understated
but this year they have often had to cope with the deliberate and
manipulative targeting of the one facility they cannot afford to
lose - the PR itself.
University prayer rooms are not just where prayers
take place. They are a quiet location for contemplation, rest, meetings,
circles or even just basic storage of belongings. The PRs are institutions
in themselves but many Isocs have faced the threat of losing them
altogether.
Middlesex University, with thousands of Muslims,
had its Enfield campus PR reduced to a hut with space for no more
than eight people. A Greenwich University PR was re-designated as
a storeroom and completely filled with boxes. The School of Pharmacy
lost its PR completely. It is true that such antagonism is nothing
new but it has always been on an isolated basis. Muslims at UCL
have for years only had access to an 'all-faith' prayer hut with
enough space to cram three lines of eight brothers each and a requirement
not to mill around outside it. The Isoc of Queen Mary College, in
London's East End only won its PR back a few years ago after their
outdoor jumm'ah also became a protest. And at the Strand campus
of Kings College, London a sign hangs prominently in the PR, year
after year, announcing the censorship of any discussion or leafleting
without prior approval, by order of the Dean.
However this year is different. The attacks on PRs
by University authorities have been concerted and the excuses have
always been the same i.e. "we are a secular institution".
Quite why this pretext would prevent the provision of a room to
Muslim students is anyone's guess. Some have speculated the parroting
of the same words by multiple universities illustrates there has
been more than a little co-ordination to the closures. Imperial
College, London is a case-in-point as it used the same excuse to
deny its Isoc a guaranteed space for its jumm'ah despite a regular
attendance of around three hundred. Instead the Isoc has had to
endure a lottery of booking one of two rooms large enough. Predictably
the congregation has been forced to pray outdoors in the cold on
the lawn and seen numbers dwindle in response. Later the same institute
blazed into infamy when it decided to ban the niqab (a face veil
worn by some Muslim women) for 'security reasons' a decision since
overturned.
Imperial Isoc bravely held a public meeting late
last year on the issue of the detention of Babar Ahmad, an alumnus
and former member of staff, under the 2003 UK-US Extradiction Treaty
despite not breaking any UK laws. It was addressed by Stop Political
Terror, Islamic Human Rights Commission and Babar's father. However
the impact of Imperial College's belligerence towards its Muslim
populace became apparent as students from Imperial spoke of a fear
of demonstrating for him after jumm'ah since those facilities were
already demonstrably under threat. In the same meeting some called
for demonstrating much later to disguise any link between Babar's
case and the jumm'ah prayer.
There has been some recovery of the lost facilities
but only through determination and a lot of campaigning unfortunately
the losses have not ended there. Other attacks have been just as
stinging. Once UCL Hospital Trust announced a new dress-code for
women that excluded the jilbab (a bulky, draping overgarment) as
a health risk at least half a dozen Muslim women have had to withdraw
from their nursing degrees as a result.
Consider also the case of Nasser Amin, a postgraduate
at the School of Oriental and African Studies, London (SOAS) who
wrote an article in the school magazine 'Spirit'. It was written
in response to the issue before where Sheikh Hamza Yusuf Hanson
had argued that western hatred of Islam was largely the consequence
of the decisions of Muslims not least the failure to categorically
condemn violence and specifically Palestinian violence against innocents.
Amin's rejoinder was to argue that blaming the weaker victim for
Islamophobia was morally equivalent to blaming black Africans for
Apartheid. Regrettably his response was met with a witch hunt with
several death threats on Zionist websites and condemnation in The
Times, The Guardian, The Observer and The Jerusalem Post. Melanie
Phillips of The Daily Mail renamed SOAS 'The School of Orchestrated
Anti-Semitism' and called for his arrest. David Winnick MP called
in the Commons for his prosecution. Soon the SOAS Director, Colin
Bundy, under pressure decided to censure Amin. Outrageously this
was without a formal disciplinary hearing and despite SOAS holding
shares in arms companies who were selling weapons to the Israeli
Defence Force at the time.
It has not only affected Muslim students. Keith
Shilson, President of Middlesex University Students' Union, followed
the democratic mandate of his students to organise an open Question
and Answer session with the Islamic political party Hizb ut-Tahrir.
However he was warned by the University to cease and desist. When
Shilson refused he was suspended scant months from the end of his
course, escorted from campus and forced to sign a grovelling apology
or risk losing his degree entirely.
The tension has even escalated beyond University
campuses with the case of the 'Matthew Boulton Two' - two A-Level
students from Birmingham who, saddened at the college's ban on religious
societies, decided to produce their own newsletter on the topic.
Even though they distributed copies outside the college gates they
were permanently excluded in January and may not gain a university
place as a result.
There were many more incidents in a very troubling
year for Muslim students and we must remember that such experiences
can only adversely affect them. We, the wider community, then have
to consider if we should take the time to support and guide them
in through what has been a difficult period for us all.
If we are to assist then perhaps the greatest single
thing that could be fostered is unity, just as in any other Muslim
community today. There has long been a realisation that we are stronger
together as a unified whole as personified by the overwhelming response
to the Islam Channel's Global Peace and Unity Conference earlier
this year.
However it is here that there is most cause for
optimism with regards to Muslim students who are growing daily in
their appreciation of the benefits and advantages of working together.
There are still anti-Islamic voices on campus including the Zionist,
pro-choice and pro-gay lobbies but the external pressures have led
to Muslims directing their energies towards defending Islam from
the propaganda of being inherently violent, anti-women or blindly
bigoted regarding homosexuals.
There is also a massive increase in political engagement
by Muslims. Even though results at this years NUS Annual Conference
in Blackpool did not all go the way Muslims would have liked (the
new NUS National President has been labelled pro-Zionist by many
of her own supporters) the Muslim delegation led by the Federation
of Student Islamic Societies (FOSIS) was the largest single deputation.
From a delegation of 'a few Muslims standing alone at the back of
the hall' a few years ago, Muslim delegates now numbered around
one hundred and twenty (out of an estimate of a thousand delegates
in total) outnumbering all other single factions. Previous NUS Presidents
include Jack Straw MP, Charles Clarke MP and Trevor Phillips so
NUS political life is hugely important and this year Muslims continued
to progress politically winning positions on both the Steering Committee
and National Executive for the second year running. This is a sign
of the robust presence of Muslims in student politics and a tangible
product of the unity within the Muslim student body but there is
still some way to go yet before we can feel fully optimistic about
the prospects of this exceptional community. The infighting and
bickering of the past appears to have largely been renounced by
those eager to advance the interests of Muslims and of Islam. The
University of Brighton, for example, has a Muslim soc instead of
an Isoc in order to prevent arguments about what Islam is (or is
not) but some small pockets of apathy and division remain.
If the wider community decides to support Muslim
students the focus must be three-fold. We must fund them adequately,
cultivate a sense of harmony and also promote greater engagement
at a time when Muslim voices have to be ever-louder. After all,
if Muslim students continue striving for Islam, speaking the truth
and working together than the Ummah can rest safe knowing it will
leave its future in dependable hands.
Hassan Choudhury http://hassan.tumblr.com/
About the Author
Hassan Choudhury, writer and author, specialises on issues of belief,
identity and the battle for Muslim hearts and minds. He is now a
presenter of 'Ummah Talk' on Islam Channel (www.islamchannel.tv).
His work can be found on his personal website http://hassan.tumblr.co
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